Far-right Rep. (R-Ga.) was brought to book on X, formerly Twitter, after she shared the dictionary definition of a word she’d used to rant about fellow House Republicans.
After Greene had slammed as “feckless” the House Republicans who’d voted down her resolution to censure Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) ― whom she had accused of “antisemitic activity” over her anti-Israel comments ― Greene shared the definition of the term.
It was defined as “lacking initiative or strength of character.”
Merriam-Webster dictionary, meanwhile, defines the term as meaning “weak, ineffective” and “worthless, irresponsible.”
Synonyms include “ineffectual,” “ineffective” and “inefficient.”
X users suggested it was a self-own for the conspiracy theory-peddling extremist congresswoman:
Self own of the day 😂😂😂😂😂😂😂
— Kevin James (@KevinJa52749283) November 2, 2023
Is this describe ourselves day?
— THE UNITED SPOT (@THEUNITEDSPOT_) November 2, 2023
Weird flex. But I agree. It describes you perfectly.
— Machine Pun Kelly 🇺🇦 (@KellyScaletta) November 2, 2023
There’s a picture of you next to that word.
— David Weissman ✡️ (@davidmweissman) November 2, 2023
Contrary to what’s been happening on the ice, the Edmonton Oilers are talking a good game, at least.
A 2-7-1 record to start a season where their lot in playoff life was projected nothing short of Stanley Cup contention has taken a poor start and magnified it to the point where sky’s are soon falling and heads are soon rolling. At least, for a disheartened fan base that has been through far too much disappointment before things turned around the last couple years.
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And it seems the worm is turning once more.
But you wouldn’t know it the way they treated Sunday’s practice and media availability after getting beat 5-2 by the Nashville Predators the day before.
The moral of the story they’re telling lauds teamwork and togetherness as the way through the less-than-fairytale forest that has so far found them lost in translation.
“It’s little things that matter, right? We say all the right things and we just can’t seem to do the right things right now,” said Leon Draisaitl, who has been unable to step up in the void of productivity that’s being left behind by Connor McDavid, who is obviously playing less than 100 per cent healthy since returning from an upper-body injury.
“And obviously when you’re struggling or lacking confidence in general as a group, it seems to downward spiral much faster than anything else. But every team goes through this, we’ve got to make sure we catch it early.”
Draisaitl — who at one point not so long ago couldn’t miss on the Oilers’ record-setting power play — is on a goal drought that has lasted seven games. He will look to end it Monday night (8 p.m., Sportsnet West) in Vancouver, the scene of the 8-1 crime that started the whole slide back on opening day.
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But head coach Jay Woodcroft isn’t putting it all on the shoulders of one or two individuals.
“They wear the same jersey as everybody else,” Woodcroft said. “I think it’s a lot to ask of just one or two players, they’re in it with everybody else. Collectively, as a group we could be so much better.
“Everybody is giving what they have, but I do think there is a little bit more from the group, collectively. And when the group performs at the level it does and plays toward a certain type of structure, usually that helps every individual.”
Exactly what is going on inside the dressing room and what is being said behind closed doors is anyone’s guess.
“Yeah, I mean, that’s probably not something I want to share with everyone, the conversations we’re having in there, the things that we’re saying. Not that it’s anything private, but that’s our haven in there,” said Derek Ryan. “We’re a tight-knit group and we’re going through a lot of adversity right now and we want to get through it together.
“We’re talking about a lot of the same things you guys are and we’re trying to figure it out.”
In the meantime, the story the Oilers keep telling themselves will continue to have a happy ending. Eventually.
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“For us, we are maintaining a positive outlook,” Woodcroft said. “And I got asked last night in the media, how do you maintain that when the results aren’t there? Well, I think when the results aren’t there, you want to make sure you’re going back and looking at everything, seeing things clearly.
“You want to make sure that your process is correct. If you take care of the process and your people are in the right mindset, usually the results takes care of itself. Right now, we haven’t done that long enough, hard enough, or collectively, well enough. And when you don’t do that, you’re sitting with the record that we are.”
E-mail: gmoddejonge@postmedia.com
On Twitter: @GerryModdejonge
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Collins Dictionary's yearly infographic showcases the year's top trending terms, and in 2023, AI is its word of the year.
"An explosion of debate, scrutiny, and prediction [is] more than enough justification for Collins’ 2023 Word of the Year: AI," Collins says.
In addition to AI, Collins shortlisted several other words. They include bazball, deinfluencing, nepo baby, ultra-processed, and canon event. Yes, your spell checker will underline all of those words if you type them out. They are real words, though.
Most of the words on the list had some sort of cultural significance this year. For example, influencers use their platform to promote products or lifestyles. Deinfluencing is the act of using one's platform to warn followers away from products or lifestyles. One of the words, greedflation, describes using inflation as an excuse to unnecessarily raise prices to increase corporate profits.
Meanwhile, many blogs across the internet started compiling nepo baby lists. Nepo baby, where nepo is short for nepotism, describes a person whose career is believed to have been advanced by having famous parents. Collins lists Gwyneth Paltrow as an example of a nepo baby, though she's not a fan of the term.
Collins also detailed how health experts have been warning against ultra-processed foods in 2023. ULEZ, short for ultra-low emission zone, popped up in the UK, where Londoners have to drive vehicles that adhere to emissions standards or pay a fine.
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Perhaps the oddest choice this year is semaglutide. It's a drug, commonly known as Ozempic, that lowers blood sugar and suppresses the appetite to help folks with both problems. It became FDA-approved in 2021 and has made quite a name for itself ever since.
Still, none of the words had the impact that AI enjoyed in 2023. It also joins Collins Dictionary's 2021 word of the year, NFT, as being the second initialism to make the list. Prior words of the year from Collins Dictionary include permacrisis in 2022 and lockdown in 2020.
RIYADH: The Literature, Publishing, and Translation Commission on Saturday concluded the third International Translation Forum 2023, focusing on the theme “Fostering Cross-Cultural Exchange.”
The forum promoted global cultural communication by highlighting the significance of the translation profession and its role in bridging cultures, the Saudi Press Agency reported.
The two-day event took place at King Saud University and included 10 panel sessions on critical topics in the field of translation.
There were also 10 workshops designed to enhance the translation skills of attendees.
The forum’s first day focused on translation issues and professional experiences. On the second day, a panel discussed the sharing of the Saudi narrative with the world.
Furthermore, the forum included on-stage individual meetings where guest speakers shared their expertise on various translation industry topics, fostering knowledge and experience exchange.
The forum concluded with a ceremony to honor the winners of the translation challenge, which the commission launched in October. Translators and visual content creators translated Arabic poems into a range of languages as part of the competition.
Visitors engaged in discussions with both local and international translation experts through the “Talk with Experts” event. Experts shared their knowledge and guidance with visitors working in the industry.
The forum offered engagement with editorial translation, interpretation and audiovisual translation, all under the guidance of field experts.
An accompanying exhibition was also held to showcase prominent local and international translation institutions.
The forum concluded with a ceremony to honor the winners of the translation challenge, which the commission launched in October. Translators and visual content creators translated Arabic poems into a range of languages as part of the competition.
The commission aims to advance the Saudi translation sector, foster competition, improve communications and raise awareness of the role of the industry in bridging cultures.
The "best of 2023" lists are starting to be compiled, and Collins Dictionary lexicographers have already announced their pick for word of the year. It's "AI," the initialism for "artificial intelligence," reports CNN, which notes the term means "the modeling of human mental functions by computer programs." "Considered to be the next great technological revolution, AI has seen rapid development and has been much talked about in 2023," reads a statement from the British publisher on its big pick.
"AI" was included among a list of competitors that reflect "our ever-evolving language and the concerns of those who use it," Collins says in its statement, per the Guardian. Last year's word of the year was "permacrisis" ("an extended period of instability and insecurity, esp. one resulting from a series of catastrophic events"), while 2021's was "NFT," short for "non-fungible token." In 2020, which marked the start of the COVID pandemic, "lockdown" took top honors.
If anyone is wondering what ChatGPT thinks about Collins' selection, the BBC took the opportunity to get a quote from OpenAI's artificial intelligence-powered language model: "AI's selection as the word of the year by Collins Dictionary reflects the profound impact of artificial intelligence on our rapidly evolving world, where innovation and transformation are driven by the power of algorithms and data."
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Here are some of the other "word of the year" contenders that lost out to "AI," in alpha order:
Bazball: a "highly aggressive" style of cricket, named for New Zealand cricket player Brendon "Baz" McCullum
Canon event: "an event that is essential to the formation of an individual's character or identity"
Debanking: "the act of depriving a person of banking facilities"
Deinfluencing: "the use of social media to warn followers to avoid certain commercial products, lifestyle choices, etc."
Greedflation: "the use of inflation as an excuse to raise prices to artificially high levels in order to increase corporate profits"
Nepo baby: "a person, esp. in the entertainment industry, whose career is believed to have been advanced by having a famous parent"
Semaglutide: "a medication used to suppress the appetite and control high blood sugar" (brand name: Ozempic)
Ultra-processed: "prepared using complex industrial methods from multiple ingredients, often including ingredients with little or no nutritional value"
ULEZ: an abbreviation for "ultra-low emission zone"—an "area, especially one in a big city, where most vehicles have to pay to enter and vehicles that produce a lot of pollution have to pay more"
In the publishing world, fall is for Big Books: hyped debuts, new releases by heavy hitters, major political titles.
One of the three titles below, Marie NDiaye's Vengeance Is Mine, belongs indisputably to this category. NDiaye is one of France's most significant living writers, a David Lynch-like creator of spooky and mystifying worlds. The arrival in English of a new NDiaye novel is cause for both celebration and fear.
I feel the same way, though for quite different reasons, about Undiscovered, the Peruvian writer Gabriela Wiener's new novel. Wiener, who is known mainly for her nonfiction, is a major voice in Peruvian literature, and her two prior English-language releases, Nine Moons and Sexographies, earned admiration and acclaim for their direct discussions of sex, desire, and pregnancy. Wiener's honesty can be just as alarming, in its way, as NDiaye's bubbling swamps of emotion — and, slowly but surely, is earning her not just a big Anglophone readership but, more importantly in the long term, a devoted one.
Pedro and Marques Take Stock, José Falero's first book to be translated from Portuguese to English, isn't big in the way Vengeance Is Mine is and Undiscovered may be. It's a picaresque set in Porto Alegre's poor neighborhoods, a mix of crime writing and social commentary. It's tough to guess, reading it, whether Falero's future work will lean more toward the former or the latter — but it's clear that he's got both talent and ideas to burn. We're going to see more José Falero, and Pedro and Marques gives readers a chance to get in on the ground floor.
Pedro and Marques Take Stock
The Brazilian writer José Falero's Marxist crime novel Pedro and Marques Take Stock opens with its two heroes — who work in (and sometimes steal from) a grocery store in Porto Alegre — assessing their lives. (Julia Sanches, Falero's translator, deserves great credit for getting the title, and much else, so right in English: Pedro and Marques take stock of their lives while taking stock from the store's shelves.) Both men live in entrenched poverty: the ceiling of Marques' house is rotten, as is the floor of Pedro's. At the book's beginning, both are newly determined to escape.
Pedro is the novel's intellectual, a self-taught philosopher who has made the bumbling Marques into his "disciple." For him, figuring out how to get rich is both a personal challenge and a social one, a way to defy a world that's so stacked against him that, he decides, "Not even prison or death could be worse than his shitty little life." Marques, meanwhile, has a ticking clock: His wife Angélica tells him in the book's opening chapters that she's pregnant with their second child, and they can hardly afford to care for their first. Only such pressure, Falero suggests, could get Marques to agree when Pedro decides the best way for them to get rich is to begin selling weed — a safe endeavor, he feels, since Porto Alegre's gangs traffic only in crack and powder cocaine.
Much of Pedro and Marques Take Stock is given over to Pedro's ideas: first in monologue form, with Marques as his listener and occasional interlocutor; then to their manifestation. The drug-dealing scheme takes off quickly. Once it does, Falero all but leaves his heroes' inner lives behind. He abandons Pedro's idiosyncratic version of Marxism, too. It's frustrating to get kicked out of the protagonists' heads, and a surprise to be told three-quarters of the way through the novel that Pedro, our philosopher, has suddenly become "free from his conscience." But though Falero's abandonment of character is a disappointment, his writing, in Sanches' translation, is snappy and slangy enough to keep the reader going, with enough lyric moments to surprise. Pedro and Marques Take Stock is, ultimately, a caper, if one that promises more big ideas than it provides.
Vengeance Is Mine
Reading the acclaimed French novelist Marie NDiaye is always a disorienting experience. NDiaye, who has won France's Prix Femina and Prix Goncourt and received a Kennedy Center Gold Medal for the Arts, is a master of emotional obfuscation. Her characters rarely understand why they're doing what they're doing, and yet their feelings and instincts are far too powerful to resist. In Vengeance Is Mine, her tenth novel to appear in English, this is truer than ever. Its heroine, a Bordeaux lawyer named Maître Susane — Maître, as translator Jordan Stump explains in a brief note preceding the text, is a term of honor for French lawyers; NDiaye never reveals her protagonist's first name — is quietly but fervently obsessed with her Mauritian housekeeper Sharon. She entertains a stream of "charitable, uncontained, ardent thoughts" toward her. She is also convinced that she had a formative childhood experience of some sort with her client Gilles Principaux, who has hired her to defend his wife Marlyne, who murdered their three children.
NDiaye describes the Principaux case at chilling length, juxtaposing Marlyne's undeniable mental illness and pain with Maître Susane's murkier situation. It's quite clear that meeting Gilles Principaux has triggered some sort of crisis or collapse in the lawyer's mind: At one point, her mother tells her, "You're suffering the way you do in a dream, it's real to you but it doesn't exist." But in Vengeance Is Mine, like in many NDiaye novels, reality is dreamlike: foggy, unsettling, and sinister. By the book's end, the very idea of a coherent reality seems laughable. The world is terrifying, and nothing makes sense. Why should a character's inner life — or a novel, really — be any different?
Undiscovered
Gabriela Wiener's novel Undiscovered, translated by Julia Sanches, opens with a Peruvian writer named Gabriela in Paris, staring at an anthropology museum's collection of "statuettes that look like me [and] were wrenched from my country by a man whose last name I inherited." Gabriela's great-great-grandfather, Charles Wiener, born Karl, was a Viennese Jew who reinvented himself as a French explorer; he wrote an enormous, racist book called Peru and Bolivia, looked for but did not find Machu Picchu, and looted a tremendous amount of art from Peru. All this is true in both Undiscovered and its author's real life, which blend freely in the novel. Undiscovered is an exploration of paternal legacy on all fronts, including the divine one: "All of us have a white father," Wiener writes at one point. "By that I mean, God is white." Generally, though, she's less interested in God than she is in Gabriela's tortured relationship with her great-great-grandfather's memory and her not-much-calmer one with her father, whose death she is grieving and whose tendencies toward adultery, jealousy, and deception she fears she's inherited, though she had hoped her open, polyamorous marriage would preclude such things.
Undiscovered has an appealingly raw, confessional tone, but its prose is highly polished. Sanches' translation does not have an extraneous word. It is also — fittingly, for a book about post-colonial history — committed to retaining the original text's Peruvian-ness. Gabriela refers to Charles Wiener as a "huaquero of international repute," explaining that "huaquero, meaning graverobber in Spanish, comes from huaca in Quechua. This is what people in the Andes call their sacred places." The words huaquero and huaquear reappear throughout the novel, reminding readers that, though much of the book is set in Paris and Madrid, it is very much rooted in Peru. Gabriela, who calls herself "the most Indian of the Wieners," cannot forget that: In Sanches' exceptional translation, neither can anyone else.
Lily Meyer is a writer, translator, and critic. Her first novel, Short War, is forthcoming from A Strange Object in 2024.
Editor’s Note: On October 24, Mondoweiss reported on an Israeli media report of a plan to ethnically cleanse the Gaza Strip of Palestinians that was being circulated by the Israeli Ministry of Intelligence. On October 28, the Israeli news website Local Call published a leak of the entire ten-page document. The following is the full translation of the document.
The analysis begins, “Israel is required to bring about a significant change in the civilian reality,” and it outlines three alternatives for the future of Gaza: A. Importing Palestinian Authority governance, B. Fostering “local Arab governance,” or C. The “evacuation of the civilian population from Gaza to Sinai.” The paper concludes, “Alternative C is the one that yields positive and long-term strategic results for Israel” and includes considerations for its implementation.
As Mondoweiss reported and Local Call reiterated in their story, this plan is regarded as an initial policy document and has not yet been formally adopted.
Policy Paper: Alternatives for a Political Directive for the Civilian Population in Gaza
October 13, 2023
Executive summary
The State of Israel is required to bring about a significant change in the civilian reality in the Gaza Strip in light of Hamas’s crimes that have led to the “Iron Swords” war. Accordingly, it must decide on the state’s goal regarding the civilian population in Gaza to be pursued concurrently with the removal of Hamas rule.
The goal defined by the government requires intensive action to gain the support of the United States and other countries for this objective.
Basic guidelines for working under each directive:
Eliminate the Hamas regime.
Evacuating the population outside of the combat zone, for the benefit of the residents of the Strip.
International aid should be planned and implemented according to the chosen directive.
Each directive should involve a deep process of implementing ideological change (denazification).
The chosen directive will support the political goal regarding the future of the strip and the endgame of the war.
This document will present three possible alternatives as directives of the political echelon in Israel regarding the future of the civilian population in the Gaza Strip.
Each directive will be examined in light of the following characteristics:
Operability – the ability to implement operationally.
Legitimacy – international/internal/legal.
The ability to bring about ideological perceptual change among the population with respect to Jews and Israel.
Broad strategic consequences.
The three alternatives that have been examined are as follows:
Alternative A: The population remains in Gaza and the Palestinian Authority rule is imported.
Alternative B: The population remains in Gaza and a local Arab administration is fostered.
Alternative C: The evacuation of the civilian population from Gaza to Sinai.
From a thorough review of the alternatives, the following insights emerge:
Alternative C is the one that yields positive and long-term strategic results for Israel, but is a challenging one to implement. It requires determination on the part of the political echelon in the face of international pressure, with an emphasis on rallying the support of the United States and other pro-Israel countries for the operation.
Alternatives A and B suffer from significant drawbacks, particularly in terms of their strategic implications and the lack of long-term feasibility. Both alternatives will not provide the necessary deterrent effect, will not enable a transformation of consciousness, and may lead to the same problems and threats that Israel has dealt with from 2007 to the present.
Alternative A is the riskiest option, as the division of the Palestinian population in the West Bank and Gaza is one of the main obstacles to the establishment of a Palestinian state. Choosing this alternative implies an unprecedented victory for the Palestinian national movement, a victory that comes at the cost of thousands of Israeli citizens and soldiersand does not guarantee Israel’s security.
Alternative A: The civilian population remains in Gaza and the rule of the Palestinian Authority (PA) is imported
Location and Governance:
The majority of the population remains in Gaza.
Initial Israeli military governance; later on, the importation of the PA and its establishment as the governing authority in Gaza.
Operational Implications:
Requires combat in a densely populated area, involving risks to our soldiers and a substantial amount of time.
The longer the intensive fighting continues, the higher the risk of opening a second front in the north.
The Gazan Arab population will resist the imposition of PA rule (as previously attempted).
Humanitarian responsibility is placed solely on Israel upon the conclusion of the war with all the implications.
International/Legal Legitimacy:
At first glance, it appears to be a less severe humanitarian alternative, making it easier to gain broad support. However, in practice, the alternative involving the retention of the population may be the worst, as one can expect many Arab casualties during the operational stage, as long as the population remains in the cities and is engaged in combat.
Prolonged implementation time, and along with it the period in which images of civilians affected by the conflict are publicized.
The presence of Israeli military rule over the Arab population will complicate Israel’s ability to maintain broad international support and may lead to pressure for the establishment of PA governance.
Bringing about an Ideological Change
It is essential to shape a public narrative that internalizes the failure and moral injustice of the Hamas movement and replaces the old perception with a moderate Islamic ideology. This process is similar to denazification in Germany and Imperial Japan. Among other things, it is crucial to write the curriculum for schools and enforce their use on an entire generation.
Integrating the PA (Palestinian Authority) will greatly complicate the creation of study materials that legitimize Israel. Even now, the PA’s curriculum, much like those of Hamas, instills hatred and animosity towards Israel.
While it is possible to condition the importation of PA material on Israeli dictation of written study materials, there is no guarantee that this will happen, as the PA is fundamentally opposed to Israel.
One can assess that the PA will not act resolutely to shape a public narrative that exposes Hamas’ failure and moral injustice or promote a moderate Islamic ideology.
Even today, there is substantial public support for Hamas in the West Bank. The PA leadership is widely seen as corrupt and ineffectual, losing ground to Hamas in terms of public support.
Strategic Implications
The PA is a malevolent entity for Israel that stands on the brink of disaster. Strengthening it could result in a strategic loss for Israel.
The divide between the Palestinian population in the West Bank and Gaza is one of the major obstacles today to the establishment of a Palestinian state. It is inconceivable that the outcome of this attack will be an unprecedented victory for the Palestinian nationalist movement, paving the way for the establishment of a Palestinian state.
The current model in the West Bank, involving Israeli military control and the civil authority of the PA, is unstable and is destined to fail. It can be tolerated in the West Bank only because of the extensive Jewish settlement in the region. This is because there is no possibility of Israeli military control without Jewish settlement (and one cannot expect the mobilization of settlement movements [for establishing Israeli settlements in Gaza] under the condition of the PA’s return to Gaza).
There is no way to efficiently maintain a military occupation in Gaza based only on military presence, and within a short time, there will be domestic and international pressure for withdrawal. This means that the idea will not gain long-term international legitimacy – similar to the situation in the West Bank today, only worse. Israel will be perceived as a colonial power with an occupying army. Bases and posts will be attacked, and the PA will deny any involvement.
Tried and failed – it should be explained that a plan to deliver the area to the PA and then withdraw Israeli military control was attempted in 2006 – Hamas won the elections and then seized control of the strip. There is no justification for the Israeli national military effort to occupy Gaza if, in the end, it repeats the same mistake that led to the current situation (a full-fledged war with Hamas).
Deterrence – this alternative will not produce the required deterrence against Hezbollah. On the contrary, this alternative indicates a deep Israeli weakness that will signal to Hezbollah that they will not pay a real price for a confrontation with Israel, as the latter will only carry out a similar move to the one carried out in Lebanon – a takeover for a limited tim, followed by a withdrawal.
If the IDF fights to occupy the strip, but in the end, the political outcome is PA rule and the transformation of the strip, once again, into a hostile entity, Israel’s ability to recruit combat soldiers will be critically damaged. Such a move would constitute a historical failure and an existential threat to the country’s future.
Alternative B: The civilian population remains in Gaza and local Arab governance is fostered
Location and Governance
The majority of the population remains in Gaza.
Governance in the initial stage – Israeli military governance. As an interim solution – continuing efforts to establish a local, non-Islamist, Arab political leadership for managing civilian aspects in a structure similar to the existing government in the United Arab Emirates. A permanent solution within this alternative does not seem to be on the horizon.
Humanitarian responsibility – Israel bears full responsibility upon the conclusion of the war with all the implications.
Operational Implementation
Requires combat in a densely populated area. Involves risks to our soldiers and requires an extended period.
The longer intense combat continues, the higher the risk of a second front opening in the north.
International/Legal Legitimacy
1. Similar to Alternative A, this alternative will require combat in a densely populated area and will result in numerous casualties.
2. Prolonged implementation period, and Hamas will use this to propagate images of ‘civilians killed by Israel’.
3. Military rule over a civilian population will make it difficult for Israel to maintain broad international support over time.
Creating Ideological Change
In the current situation, the absence of local opposition movements to Hamas which can be instated in power. Even if a local leadership arises in an Emirati format, they are still Hamas supporters.
This situation will significantly complicate the required ideological change and the weakening of Hamas as a legitimate movement. By way of comparison, in Germany’s denazification process, the post-occupation government comprised leaders who had opposed the Nazis.
Without a widespread local movement committed to the ideological elimination of Hamas, it will be difficult to create the necessary ideological shift.
Strategic Implications
In the short term, toppling Hamas and occupying the strip will be significant steps toward restoring Israeli deterrence and changing the reality.
However, it appears that the deterrence effect will not be sufficient and substantial enough regarding the severity of the surprise attack [on October 7]. Moreover, the message sent to Hezbollah and Iran will not be sufficiently resolute. The strip will continue to serve as a fertile ground for influence attempts and the renewed nurturing of terror organizations. .
It is reasonable to assume that such a move will receive the support of Gulf states due to the heavy blow dealt to the Muslim Brotherhood Movement. Nevertheless, the number of casualties among Gaza’s Arab population which the process involves will make this difficult.
In the long term, there will be both Israeli and international pressure to replace the Israeli military governance with a local Arab governance as soon as possible. There is no guarantee that the new leadership will resist the spirit of Hamas.
A local Arab government will face great difficulty in achieving the required narrative and ideological change because an entire generation in Gaza has been educated with the ideology of Hamas, and now they will also experience Israeli military occupation. The likely scenario is not an ideological change of perception but the emergence of new, possibly even more extreme Islamist movements.
This alternative, too, does not provide Israel with any significant long-term strategic benefit. On the contrary, it may turn out to be a strategic burden in a few years.
Alternative C: Evacuation of the Civilian Population from Gaza to Sinai
Location and Governance
Due to the ongoing combat against Hamas, there is a need to evacuate the non-combatant civilian population from the combat zone.
Israel will act to evacuate the civilian population to Sinai.
In the initial stage, tent cities will be established in the Sinai region. Subsequently, the creation of a humanitarian corridor to assist the civilian population of Gaza and the construction of new cities in a resettlement area in Northern Sinai.
A sterile zone must be established several kilometers within Egypt and the return of the population to activities or residence near the Israeli border should not be allowed. This is in addition to the creation of a security perimeter within our territory near the border with Egypt.
Operational Implementation
A call for the evacuation of the non-combatant population from the combat zone in which Israel is attacking Hamas.
In the first stage, aerial operations will be carried out with a focus on the northern Gaza Strip to allow for the ground maneuver into an evacuated zone that does not require combat in a densely populated civilian area.
In the second stage, a gradual ground maneuver will proceed from the north along the border until the entire Gaza Strip is occupied, and the underground bunkers are cleared of Hamas combatants.
The intensive ground maneuver stage will take less time compared to alternatives A and B, thus reducing time of exposure to the opening of a northern front concurrently with the Gaza conflict.
It is important to leave southward-bound transportation routes open to allow for the evacuation of the civilian population towards Rafah.
Legal/International Legitimacy
At first glance, this alternative, which involves significant evacuation of the population, may be complex in terms of international legitimacy.
In our assessment, post-evacuation combat is expected to lead to fewer casualties among the civilian population compared to the expected casualties if the population remains (as in alternatives A and B).
Mass migration from war zones (Syria, Afghanistan, Ukraine) and population movement are a natural and necessary result given the risks associated with staying in a war zone.
Even before the fighting, there was high demand for emigration out of Gaza among the local population, and the war is only expected to increase this demand.
From a legal perspective:
A. This is a war of defense against a terrorist organization that conducted a military invasion of Israel.
B. The demand for evacuating a non-combatant population is an accepted method that saves lives, as the Americans did in Iraq in 2003.
C. Egypt has an obligation under international law to allow the passage of the population.
Israel should work to promote a wide diplomatic initiative aimed at recruiting countries willing to assist the displaced population and agree to accept them as migrants.
A list of countries that should join this initiative can be found in appendix A to this document.
In the long term, this alternative is likely to gain broader legitimacy since it deals with a population that will be integrated into a state framework with citizenship.
Creating an Ideological Change
In this alternative, too, there will be a need for an ideological shift among the population. However, Israel will not have the ability to control the plan since it is implemented outside its territory.
In relation to alternatives A and B, instilling a sense of failure in the population will assist in creating an improved security reality for many years and will deter this population.
Strategic Implications
Deterrence – a proper response will enable the creation of meaningful deterrence throughout the region and will send a strong message to Hezbollah not to dare to undertake a similar move in Southern Lebanon.
Toppling Hamas will gain the support of Gulf states. Additionally, this alternative will deal a significant and unequivocal blow [missing… perhaps ‘to the Muslim Brotherhood’].
This alternative will strengthen Egyptian rule in Northern Sinai. It is important to limit the introduction of weapons into Northern Sinai and not to allow the legitimization of amendments to the Israeli-Egyptian peace agreement’s demilitarization articles.
The issue should be associated with a broader effort to denounce the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and worldwide, turning the organization into a pariah, similar to ISIS – from a legal perspective, around the world and especially in Egypt.
Appendix A: Countries and Entities That Can Contribute to Solving the Humanitarian Crisis in Gaza
United States
Possible contribution: Assistance in promoting the initiative vis-a-vis many countries, including exerting pressure on Egypt, Turkey, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE to contribute to the initiative, either with resources or by receiving displaced persons.
Motivations: Interest in a clear Israeli victory and the restoration of Western deterrence, which has been damaged due to the attack on Israel. Restoring its global leadership and key state status in crisis resolution. Interest in creating a significant regional change and dealing a blow to the radical axis.
Egypt
Possible contribution: Opening crossings and immediate reception of the population leaving Gaza and will assemble in Sinai; allocating territory for settlement; exerting diplomatic pressure on Turkey and other countries to do so of their own preference, rather than receiving a large number of displaced persons [in crisis]; a security envelope for initial organization zones outside the Gaza Strip.
Possible incentives: Pressure from the United States and European countries to take responsibility and open the Rafah crossing to Sinai; financial assistance for the current economic crisis in Egypt.
Saudi Arabia
Possible contribution: Financing integration budgets [for migrants] and budget for the efforts to transfer the population to various countries; discreet funding of campaigns that present the damage caused by Hamas and damage its reputation.
Motivations: Pressure from the United States, in addition to a commitment to use the defense umbrella of the combat groups stationed in the area against Iran as an insurance policy; an interest in positioning Saudi Arabia as a helper to Muslims in times of crisis; Saudi interest in a clear Israeli victory over Hamas.
European countries, especially those in the Mediterranean – Greece/Spain
Contribution: Reception and settlement [of migrants].
Incentives: Migrant integration budgets and financial support budgets for this process from Arab states.
Other North African countries (Morocco, Libya, Tunisia)
Contribution: Reception and settlement; immediate support in organization zones outside the Gaza Strip.
Incentives: Migrant reception budgets and financial support budgets from Arab countries; showing Arab brotherhood; pressure from European countries; working through ties that Israel has with some of those countries in a way that allows these countries to maintain these ties without harming their image in the Arab world.
Canada
Contribution: Reception of the population and its settlement within the framework of a lenient immigration policy.
Prominent advertising agencies
Possible contribution: Campaigns that promote the plan in the Western world and the effort to resolve the crisis without inciting against, or vilifying, Israel; campaigns targeted at the non-pro-Israel world focusing on assisting Palestinian brothers and helping their recovery, even at the price of a “scolding” or even offensive tone towards Israel, intended for populations unable to accept a different message.
Specific campaigns targeting Gaza residents themselves, encouraging them to accept the plan – the messages should revolve around the loss of land, clarifying that there is no hope of returning to the territories Israel will occupy soon, whether it is right or not. The message should be, “Allah decided you lose this land because of Hamas’ leadership – the only option is to move to another place with the help of your Muslim brothers.”
Translated by Ofer Neiman
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